BLTC Press Titles

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Knowledge of Higher Worlds and its Attainment

Rudolf Steiner

Further Adventures of an Irish R. M.

Edith Somerville and Martin Ross

Letters on the Aesthetical Education of Man

Friedrich Schiller

The Count of Monte Cristo

Alexandre Dumas

History of New York During the Revolutionary War

by Thomas Jones


First, Such manuscript historical and biographical writings, memoirs, documents and records, private or public, official or not official, ecclesiastical or secular, civil or military, which shall relate to, or illustrate, the history of New York as a Colony or a State; or the history of any of the Dutch, English, or French, colonies in America, and which shall have been written prior to the year 1800.

Second, Such historical works or documents relating to the history of New York, or that of the United States, or of cither of them, which shall treat of, or relate to, events or persons, which shall have happened, or who shall have died, at least fifty years prior to the publication of the same.

Third, That the cost of the volumes be paid out of the Fund; the volumes so printed to be sold under the direction of the Publication Committee; and when the proceeds have been received, the same to be employed in the printing of other volumes, which in their turn are to be sold, and thus permanently to continue the issue of the Series.

Fourth, That under no circumstances shall any new volume or volumes be put to press until the proceeds of the sales of the preceding volume or volumes shall be in the possession of the Society, to an amount which shall in the judgment of the Executive Committee be equal to the cost of producing such new volume or volumes.


The Portraits of Judge and Mrs. Jones, engraved by Burt for this work, were painted by Arnold, of London, in 1791, for Mrs. Jones's brother, the late John Peter de Lancey, of Heathcote Hill, Mamaroneck, Westchester County, New York. At Mr. de Lancey's death, in 1828, his son, the late Rt. Rev. William H. de Lancey, gave the portrait of the former to the late General Thomas FloydJones, his first cousin, the then owner of Fort Neck House and Estate, from whom it passed, with the old House, in which it still hangs, to his eldest son, the late Lieutenant-Governor David Richard Floyd-Jones, whose family now possess it. The date "1730" in the lettering of the plate should have been 1731. The Portrait of Mrs. Jones which descended to the editor is in his possession.

The Map of New York City is a reproduction, two-thirds the size of the original, of Lieutenant Bernard Ratzer's "Plan of the City of New York," surveyed in 1767. It is not his large map of "New York and its Environs," which has lately been republished several times, but one of the City alone, and on a larger scale. Editions of it were published in England in 1776 and 1777, dated in those years; but as they were merely copies, it was deemed best to reproduce the original for this work, which gives the localities precisely as they were at the time of the Revolution.

The Map of New York and New Jersey shows the Province of New York as it was at the time of the Revolution, with the boundaries of its original counties as they then were, the manors entitled to representatives in the Assembly, and other topographical features of historic interest. It is a reproduction, about one-third less in size, of a map now in the State Library, at Albany, which was compiled and published by Albert Lotter, a German, at Augsburgh, in 1777.


The work now first given to the world in these volumes is a Loyalist history of the subject of which it treats, not an English account. Whoever takes it up with the impression that it is a British history will assuredly be mistaken.

It is a common belief that the loyal inhabitants of America, at the era of its first great Revolution, the truly loyal, those who acted from principle, were the unhesitating supporters of the British Government in its unjustifiable and tyrannic invasions of the rights and liberties of its American people.

United States writers have, naturally perhaps, so described them, while the few English historians who have treated American history, have either taken a similar view, or have ignored them altogether. The ideas of " loyalty " and " loyal men," and " rebellion" and " rebels," which have been current in the United States since the Revolutionary war, were rudely shocked, and quite changed, by the outbreak and subsequent crushing of the late civil war at the South. Americans then learned by experience for the first time, and in away never to be forgotten, that " loyalty" was a virtue, that the supporters of " the powers that be " were worthy of honor, and that " rebels " and "rebellion " were to be put down at any cost by the strong hand. A precisely similar view did very large masses of the people of the British Colonies take when the war of the American Revolution broke out, and not till a very late period of that contest did they change that view. And when the change did come,—and it came very gradually and very slowly—it was produced quite as much, if not more, by the weak, bad, and timid policy of the British Government, and the infamous and corrupt conduct of the war by its commanders-in-chief, as by the statesmanship of the Continental Congress and the military deeds of its armies. The history of the course of the loyalists at the American Revolutionary epoch, and of their plans for relief from the British tyranny which then oppressed America, has never been written. There can be no greater error than to suppose that the loyalists as a whole were willing to submit quietly to the exactions of the mother country, and her invasions of their rights and liberties as English subjects. As Americans they felt those grievances, and were as indignant at the treatment they were subjected to, as those of their countrymen who took up arms. But they wished to fight the battle for those rights and liberties and the redress of those grievances, with the powerful weapons which the Constitution of England gave to them as to other Englishmen —weapons which had proved successful before, as they have proved successful since, in similar emergencies, freedom of speech, freedom of the pen, freedom of the press. They desired by political agitation to force the home Government to a change of policy, or to drive it from power and place in office the foes of the oppression of the colonies. Their enemy was the ministry of Lord North, not the King of England to whom they owed, and had sworn, allegiance. This object they were prevented from carrying out. Royal folly in England and demagogic fanaticism in America eagerly joined hands to crush such a constitutional settlement of the dispute, brought about a bloody civil war, and finally effected a termination of the quarrel unlooked for by either party at its commencement.

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